What will happen?

 

Essay on Shargh Newspaper - September 30, 2018 - 
 
 
The original text is in Persian and the following translation was done by Ai.
 

Threat, damage, challenge or crisis, is the question raised today, after all the explanations, justifications, slanders and criticisms regarding the future and the outcome of the current situation of the country.

In fact, the more precise question is what are the approaches facing Iran in the current imposed conditions, especially after the United States withdrew from the JCPOA?

Regardless of whether each of these policies and approaches may be expedient or not, have popular support or not, and have strong and vocal supporters or not, the first priority is to initiate a discussion among the academic and expert body on one level and public opinion and civil society on another level, and to derive an approach that can bring the greatest and widest benefits to the country.

 

We all know that the acute part of today's problem, apart from its chronic and permanent problems, is Iran's economy, which may potentially fuel despair and, as a result, social and even political problems.
Of course, this is what those who are putting new pressure on Iran intend to do. Another point about Mr. Trump’s administration as one of the parties to Iran’s foreign equations is its urgent and short-term need to create and demonstrate an achievement, albeit minimal, in the international arena on the one hand, and to create a rift in the alliance of the other parties in this game, namely Iran, Europe, and the US Democratic Party on the other. Because Trump and the Republican Party in general, like the Democrats led by Barack Obama, have their eyes on the congressional elections (November 2018) in the short term and on the US presidential elections in the medium term in 2020. The issue of Iran, especially with the conditions that Trump’s United States has created with Europe and China and the much less than expected result obtained from the negotiations with North Korea, has become the focus of the power show of the government in the White House, so that by imposing widespread sanctions, it can create a show as soon as possible suitable for electoral use that: “Iran came to negotiate.” On the other hand, the Democrats without a seat in power, who are more than ever seeking to conquer the stronghold of Congress, are working hard to weaken their rivals, along with the major European governments, and of course, they have counted on Iran's patience and tolerance in this regard. In recent days, we have clearly witnessed the resumption of activities by Barack Obama and John Kerry in the American political-media space. In a way, they are deliberately stirring up trouble by addressing the Trump administration and him personally, as well as raising sensitive issues such as the JCPOA and Iran, and they consider the radical delegation based in the White House to be the losers in raising such issues more and more. It will not be easy to guess what the future of the issue that they have currently created for us and imposed on us will be and in what time frame, and the effort in this field is not a matter of expertise but rather of extreme reductionism. Because this issue has several different sides, each of which has its own game, interests, and effects on the outcome, and due to this multi-factorial nature, the system will be so complex that beyond analysis, nothing else is conceivable.
What Iran can do, regardless of early acceptance of negotiations with Trump or withdrawal from the JCPOA as options on the table, is practically the same crooked and mixed policy, tolerating the conditions, and advancing common interests: sharing the unwritten interests that exist between Iran, Europe, China, and especially the US Democrats in weakening and controlling Trump, and one of the keys to this is in Iran's hands and not giving in (at least until November) to what Trump wants. But at the same time, we should not forget that this game is both dangerous and that a significant part of its political and economic costs will be borne by Iran.
Although withdrawing from the JCPOA is often implicitly proposed by officials, it is not very credible because it does not seem to be the right political choice. In this case, Iran would have reduced its legitimacy regarding the nuclear issue that stems from the JCPOA and its implementation, as a result of the Agency's repeated confirmations, and would have weakened its own position, turned unilateral sanctions into global sanctions, and added to the pressure Trump wants.

But at the same time, what Iran's foreign policy apparatus can do is make minimal contacts with the White House in a way that does not tie its hands to negotiate with them and, in this way, does not show the stage to the other side of the game table (i.e. the Democrats and, following them, Europe and China) as devoid of potential rivals and threats, but can simultaneously sell its non-negotiation to them in cash and receive concessions. If it can be played this way, with the Democrats reaching each seat of power - from Congress to the Senate and the presidency - Iran can, by expanding its national interests without paying further costs, solve its strategic problems with the Western world, and especially the United States, from the point of maximum difference between the two power blocs in America and keep its concessions in hand. This is, of course, the same game of power position due to the difference between the two rivals; something that the West, and especially England, have done a lot in Iran in our history. Our diplomatic history is not one of these examples: for example, Qavam al-Saltaneh's negotiations with Stalin and the retaking of Azerbaijan due to the competition between the Soviet Union and the United States, when Iran was in a much weaker position in terms of power inputs than it is today, and even the subject of negotiations was occupied territory. Today, thanks to the childish policies of Donald Trump, America's biggest rival is this country itself. The time of maximum disagreement between the Obama faction - which still claims power - and the Trump team, as the two ends of the American political spectrum, is one of the few moments when the power of the United States can be used against itself: a knife that is exceptionally cutting its own handle should not be seen too often. If Obama and his flexible team provided Iran with an opportunity with their extremely liberal policies (by American standards), and Iran’s relative use of this opportunity increased the country’s international legitimacy and created strategic cracks among world powers and America’s allies, the Trump administration today can also be seen as an opportunity for us due to its childish excesses and domestic and international animosity. This, of course, requires both diplomatic skill and adopting a correct strategy based on national interests. Few people doubt the first point, namely the diplomatic skill of the team based in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and in the second case, given the examples we have witnessed in recent years, we can hope to witness pragmatism based on national interests, albeit in an idealistic form. We must turn Trump’s threat into an opportunity with a little patience and proper play and make the most of this opportunity. In the meantime, we must look inward as much as possible and rebuild trust and hope, perhaps even national vulnerability. This is not really difficult; Removing some domestic restrictions, utilizing the young, expert, and world-minded generation, and instilling hope among the nation again, if such a will exists, is not impossible at the moment. Taking advantage of the current international situation, potentially and subject to the above conditions, can not only lead to a return to the JCPOA and the lifting of sanctions, but also, at the lowest cost, to the removal of all restrictions on the issue of the past four decades.

 

 

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