He added: Therefore, even if we think that the differences with the Agency are rooted in a political context, since the Agency has raised a technical question, we must also give a technical answer. Postponing the response to the Agency in the same way as before is unlikely to be effective.
In response to the question of what scenarios can be foreseen in light of the Agency’s report on uranium enrichment exceeding 80 percent, Karimi said: “This issue has two possible paths, the Agency’s tendency towards each of which can be determined by technical negotiation actions and political stances. Whether this issue grows like a snowball or is reduced to an involuntary contamination, both are possible. However, care must be taken that if the Agency has reliable evidence on this matter, no position is taken that will make the work more difficult in the future. The design must be commensurate with the next steps.”
In response to the question of what your prediction is for the outcome of Grossi’s trip to Tehran and what impact this trip and its outcome will have on the new decision-making process of the Board of Governors, he said: “This issue also depends on our approach. It is important to note that public stances during the Agency Director General’s trip should have a different language than before.” The challenges should be transferred to the negotiating table and behind closed doors, and in the public arena, they should be spoken about in a way that the third party, the audience of domestic and international public opinion, will give us the truth. Therefore, it seems that we should use more professional language, whether from a technical or political standpoint, whether behind closed doors or publicly and in front of the camera. In general, this is not a big issue, and not solving it is harder than solving it.
In response to the question that considering that some people are raising the issue that the JCPOA may not be restored in its previous form and are talking about the possibility of reaching a temporary agreement such as the release of frozen dollars, the exchange of prisoners, and also the exemption from sanctions, how close do you consider this possibility to be to reality? Karimi said: I assess the possibility of such an agreement with such provisions as very weak. If it were possible for us to release a few dual citizens or Western nationals and solve our basic problems, we could have done this earlier, and basically there was no need for the JCPOA, nor for its restoration. We must assess the political reality in terms of the levers we have in our hands and not get complacent.
This international affairs analyst responded to the question that in the past few days we have witnessed some actions and also some comments from the Americans. Also, Fuad Hussein announced in a message from the US to the Foreign Minister that the US government is seeking to bring the JCPOA to a conclusion, but this was denied by the US government. How do you evaluate this contradiction in behavior in the US? He said: The US government currently does not have much motivation for effective action and flexibility in this direction. Especially considering the circumstances, if it makes concessions, it will be severely rebuked and pressured by the rival party, the House of Representatives, as well as a significant part of its domestic public opinion. Therefore, the revival of the JCPOA is still not impossible, but its possibility is very small.
In response to the question that this trip seems to be more technical than it is an opening, what steps should Iran take to make the report technically beneficial to us and have a positive impact on us as a result of the Board of Governors meeting, he said: The irrefutable and almost subjective technical explanations that the Atomic Energy Organization presents for the Agency's previous and recent questions are decisive. Of course, the diplomatic behavior and words of our representative in Vienna also have an effect on this issue. Unfortunately, the appointment of Iran's representative to the Agency has been reduced in recent years from a technical and two-faced issue to a normal issue like other representations. This sensitive institution, especially in the current conditions of our country, is of double importance, and the team based in Vienna, and especially the head of the representation, needs to have acceptable knowledge of technical and political issues.
In response to the question that in the past, during the Trump and Pompeo eras, unlike the Amano era, they invested a lot in Grossi's appointment. How necessary is it now to emphasize to the Agency that it is not a tool in the hands of the powers and a facilitator for unilateralism and that it presents reports in the form of a technical institution? He said: "Nothing will change with our emphasis. What is important is the richness of our technical and political responses and arguments in Tehran and Vienna. The Agency does not play around in preparing any reports, and it is not like it can put whatever it wants on paper in any case. Rather than paying attention to such approaches, we should focus on effective action in the current situation."
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