Let's not understand the international order in the current and future conditions in the form of a cold war / China is not looking for a confrontational approach with the United States to protect Iran

 

Interview with ILNA News Agency, February 18, 2023 - 
 
 

 

 

The interview was in Persian and the translation below was done by Ai.
 

 

 

In response to the question of how necessary it is for the Iranian corridor to be more prominent in our relations with the Chinese, given the problems created in the Northern Corridor, namely Russia, Turkey and Azerbaijan, Sasan Karimi, a foreign policy analyst, said: Theoretically and if we look at this issue alone, the conditions are ready, but the real situation for pursuing these matters currently requires platforms that are not available to us. In other words, with all the existing problems regarding other corridors, cooperation with Iran on such a large and international issue still has exorbitant costs and requires serious calculations from the Chinese side.

In response to the question of what policy we should adopt towards this country in a situation where the entire West is seeking to contain China, the foreign policy analyst said: The fact that the West is seeking to contain China should not be seen in the context of a Cold War; China is a recognized and accepted competitor for the West, and this is mostly in the field of production and trade. Therefore, the first thing we should consider in our policy-making regarding today's international environment is the international order. If we do not understand the international order, neither in the current nor in the future, as a kind of Cold War and a bipolar system, this will be a fatal cognitive risk for our policy-making in the field of foreign policy and international relations.

In response to the question of what effect joining the Shanghai Cooperation Organization will have on the relations between the two countries, Karimi said: Iran's joining Shanghai is not new at all and is related to previous years. However, some countries were obstructing its ratification in the meantime, which has finally been announced. However, the economic, industrial and financial exploitation of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization for us inevitably requires the normalization of Iran's relations in the international environment to the extent that it can carry out its financial, economic, commercial and industrial interactions without sanctions considerations. Without the lifting of sanctions, Shanghai membership cannot have a maximum and tangible impact on Iran-China relations, except for its symbolic and cultural existence, etc.

In response to the question that it is felt that this policy exists in our country that we are committed to interacting with China traditionally and regardless of the comings and goings of governments. What is your assessment of this policy of our country, he said: China is a rising power and stabilizing and developing relations with this country is definitely necessary and beneficial to the country and is one of the country's macro policies that is not subject to much change in the executive branch. However, regarding how fruitful it is, we can look at the domestic policy component, which unfortunately, in terms of agency, has not been able to have a decisive impact on the equations.

In response to the question of how he evaluates the 25-year agreement between the two countries and what the government's duty is towards this agreement, this foreign policy analyst said: "This is not an agreement, it is a memorandum of understanding that in most areas has not been agreed upon, and it is not clear what it is and to what extent it is real. We must remember not to see this agreement, as well as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, in opposition to the West and in a bipolar understanding of the international environment, and to categorize it at our own level. The reality is that without the lifting of sanctions, we cannot expect the economic, financial, industrial, and commercial aspects of this agreement."

In response to the question that some believe that China has invested a lot in Arab countries in recent years, while the Arabs have also changed their relations with this country. What is the reason for this and what is Iran's duty towards this issue? Karimi said: "The Arabs have strangely understood this non-polar and transitional system in the international environment, and without presenting a wavering foreign policy, they do not consider their great partnership with the West as an obstacle to investment and cooperation with China, and both China and the West have accepted this issue. For the Arabs, all of these equations are low-cost and highly beneficial." In response to this question, he said that it has been heard that China is also among the countries that are seeking to improve relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia. How do you evaluate this statement and basically what could be the benefit of this for China and how successful it can be in this regard? He said: "For China, this issue can have more of an aspect of mediation and activism in the international environment than anything else." But from a material point of view, maintaining and stabilizing order and balance of power in the world's oil-rich region is vital for such an energy-consuming hub; because the slightest fundamental difference or disruption in energy production or distribution is decisive for China with this volume of energy consumption. Therefore, it is natural for China to seek stability in the Middle East both as a decisive international player and from the position of an energy consumer.

In response to the question that while China claims to be pursuing a policy of balance and at the same time has extensive relations with Arab and European countries, it has maintained relations with Tehran despite all the fluctuations, but why every time we have moved towards improving relations with the West, this has caused misunderstanding and some resentment for China, Karimi said: In any case, China is also trying to exaggerate on this issue. Because this exaggeration will put Iran in a passive position and will force it to try to compensate. It is clear that in terms of discounts on energy carrier prices, the artery of the oil market, and monopoly in the Iranian market, China, like some other countries, sees its gain in the non-normalization of relations between Iran and the West.

The foreign policy analyst said about the ways for Iran and China to achieve a mechanism to counter US pressure: China is not necessarily looking for such a thing at all. As mentioned, oil purchases from Iran and other issues should not be evaluated in the context of the East versus the West camp. China is making its large oil purchases from Iran with the green light of the United States (which has turned a blind eye to China's interests) and is reportedly using good discounts in this regard. Therefore, China is not seeking a confrontational approach with the United States to protect Iran or anything else. It should be understood that China's priority is clear to itself and it is not willing to support another country in any way that disrupts its interests.

In response to the question of how much hope we can have for the results of the JCPOA revival, given the presence of Bagheri Kani on this trip, Karimi said: I fundamentally no longer have hope for the revival of the JCPOA. I think there was not and is not enough money in this regard, and the various parties have lost their fundamental interests for this revival. Of course, the best option for Iran is still the JCPOA, and that is why the JCPOA has survived so far. The decisive issue in this midst is the meeting of the IAEA Board of Governors, and we must await its outcome and, through prior efforts, minimize any possible negative consequences against our country.

 

 

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