Essay on Donyay-e-Eqtesad Newspaper July 26, 2026 -
The original text is in Persian and the following translation was done by Ai.
The Ramadan War, with all its bitterness, had the effect of once again presenting Iran with its regional power; in a way that has led all actors to the conclusion that even with the full support of the United States, confrontation with the Islamic Republic of Iran is neither easy nor cheap, nor close to success. The next result is the ineffectiveness of rented security and its guarantee through the presence of the United States in the region.
This point can pave the way for the Arab actors of the Persian Gulf to turn away from relying solely on the United States and also to form regional cooperation to guarantee their security. Meanwhile, major global actors such as China, Russia, the Arabs, and the European Union have become much more confident than before about political stability in Iran and the need to resolve issues in a rational manner, free from pressure and illusions in the global system, and this should be an important factor in Iran’s leap to a desirable future. Excessive use of strategic levers, especially for lower or shorter-term priorities, may change this attitude and, by becoming its opposite, shift the issue towards re-securitization, a kind of atmosphere-building, and ultimately consensus-building against the Islamic Republic of Iran.
It must be admitted that China and the Arab countries are seeking stability in this region, not the United States and Israel. China, due to its energy supply and significant exports to this region, and the Arabs, due to the reliance of their development plans on regional security, need stability and peace of mind in this region. Therefore, designing a regional security policy and separating the view from the "unity-oriented" perspective and embracing the view of "collective security" is something that will double the resulting opportunity instead of turning it into a threat. Of course, there are many structural, institutional, and individual obstacles in this work at home, in the region, and in the world; but the art of foreign policy professionals is not to simply continue what is, but to design and implement initiatives that may be weak and full of opposition at first; but will gradually grow and increase. This meaning should be the main concern of the foreign policy apparatus and not just expressing positions and carrying out diplomatic procedures.
Assuming what is in the minds of US policymakers regarding their insistence on remaining in the West Asian region is itself questionable. It seems that the series of US foreign policy actions over the past decade indicate that this country is seeking to get rid of the region, outsourcing it, especially to the Zionist regime (and possibly Saudi Arabia), and ultimately turning east. If we look at it from this perspective, the wars imposed last year, the efforts surrounding the Abraham Accords, and even the events before that, will form another interpretation.
It must be understood that what happens in the future is the result of our choices today. The delay in receiving signs of a new situation in Iran’s situation and, consequently, slow and delayed action are themselves part of the old harms of Iran’s foreign policy.
Wishful thinking and actions based on discourse that were sometimes initially designed for another purpose and now increase the level of public and private demands to such an extent that the decision-making authority is lost is another harm that must be avoided at this point.
Gradually, and with increasing height from everyday issues, all issues affecting the country must be seen from another point of view and, instead of daily solving current issues, move towards comprehensively designing solutions to foreign policy issues and placing them on a regular track that not only does not put other areas of the country in doubt, but also enhances the traditional capacity of the country’s development sectors. Today's world does not accept traditional excuses for lack of development and will ruthlessly eliminate the survivors. Especially in today's post-polar world, where actors are much more diverse than just governments, creating a platform and preparing for the activism of the country's development activists is one of the most important priorities of the country, and a correct understanding of the current situation of war and peace and the opportunities created and lost is the introduction to it.
On the other hand, the Strait of Hormuz, as one of the components of Iran's geopolitical situation, became the subject of Iran's and the world's focus more than ever during the Forty-Day War. After the closure of the Strait by the Islamic Republic of Iran and especially the success in stabilizing it, which of course also became the source of the effect on the developments in the global economy, the idea has arisen that Hormuz is a permanent lever for Iran to exert its power in the international arena. Iran is currently at an important juncture regarding the Strait of Hormuz, despite the understanding reached and then violated with the United States, and amidst ongoing mutual tensions: on the one hand, abandoning this privilege is not in the national interest in the eyes of many groups, people, officials, and even some experts, and on the other hand, overusing it may, first, turn the Strait into a new security trap for Iran, and second, drain it of its strategic capacity.
In particular, it seems that alternative transportation routes (for example, from Iraq and Syria) and energy transfer via pipelines (for example, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates pipelines) are being prepared. The prolonged tension in the Strait and the prevailing image that this waterway has lost its ability to be relied upon for supply chains will increase the interest in alternative routes. In addition, it should be said that it is not only Iran that has blocked the Strait, but the American restriction imposed on this Strait, known as the naval blockade of Iran, is also another floating reality in this area. Of course, not using the Strait excessively does not mean abandoning this lever, but it can be considered as a basis for implementing Iran’s agreements, especially in the security field, and refraining from using it repeatedly.
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