Essay on IRNA News Agency June 14, 2026 -
The original text is in Persian and the following translation was done by Ai.
Information about the details of the Zionist regime's attacks on the Islamic Republic of Iran is not very extensive as of the time of writing this note. However, at the same time, it can be said that at least three categories of targets were in the regime's sights: military commanders, nuclear industry figures, and nuclear sites. Therefore, these attacks, in addition to violating the sovereignty and integrity of the country, also had terrorist dimensions.
This note briefly refers to some of these dimensions: According to Article 2, paragraph 4 of the United Nations Charter, the principle of violating the territorial integrity and borders of states and the use of force is prohibited. Therefore, the aforementioned operation was in any case a violation of international law. The inappropriate use of the term preemptive attack in this case is only an excuse to legitimize these attacks. Because despite the repeated direct and indirect threats of the Zionist regime, the Islamic Republic of Iran had not shown any significant signs of attacking the occupied territories in the past months, and the main positions were in response to the threats, and in a tone that indicated confrontation if the threats were implemented.
At the same time, there are also significant precedents, procedures, and reference points for preventing threats and attacks on nuclear sites, which are worth mentioning: Article 9 of the Statute of the International Atomic Energy Agency, and above all Article 56 of the Additional Protocol, emphasizing the responsibility of this institution to protect sites and fissile materials from attack, destruction, and sabotage, prohibit any destructive actions against nuclear facilities. This has been mentioned and clarified in Resolutions 407 of the General Conference of the International Atomic Energy Agency and Resolution 487 of the United Nations Security Council, leaving no doubt in terms of international law that, beyond violating sovereignty, attacking nuclear facilities, especially facilities containing fissile materials, is a primary violation of international law.
Despite the repeated direct and indirect threats from the Zionist regime, the Islamic Republic of Iran has not shown any significant signs of attacking the occupied territories in recent months, and its main positions have been in response to the threats. In parallel with Israel, today we are witnessing the position of the President of the United States, which, in addition to previous statements by American officials about the country's "being informed", was written in a way that brought to mind approval and encouragement. As a result, the responsibility for this operation, as the Zionist regime wishes, is shared with the United States. Regardless of international law, it can be said that such an act is in serious conflict with the international custom of any negotiation.
What the Zionist regime and the United States intend is to complete this military operation by launching a blame game and showing the story upside down so that public opinion considers Iran to be somehow responsible for destroying the negotiations and instability in the region. Now, apart from retaliatory military operations based on the principle of self-defense, which is not the subject of this article, the Islamic Republic of Iran should try to condemn the Zionist regime in international forums as much as possible, and to incline the position of other countries to condemn the Zionist regime. This is of course not easy and requires transactions that go far beyond what has been on the agenda of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs so far. Using all national capacities for such consultations at the highest level is today the vital need of the country.
Iran should try to condemn the Zionist regime in international forums as much as possible, and to incline the position of other countries to condemn the Zionist regime. This is not easy, of course, and requires transactions that go far beyond what has been on the Foreign Ministry’s agenda so far. It should also be noted that narrative building can shape public opinion in the days and weeks ahead. The type of media activity we have witnessed so far is irrelevant, and a new plan must be devised. Because the current performance of the Zionist regime lacks any legal basis or political legitimacy, and only if our narrative is significantly neglected can this regime justify others in this regard.
It should be borne in mind that the current situation in the country is very different from the past, and it is better to use the resources of all political forces and national figures to create national cohesion as successfully and comprehensively as possible. Today, it is not creating restrictions in the public space, but rather opening up the field as much as possible that can bring significant and effective support.
In the technical areas of international law and politics, it is also important to be able to fully utilize efficient and effective national forces. The era of political and guild competitions is over, and today we are at a crossroads where only by prioritizing the country and sacrificing ourselves and our personal and factional interests can we overcome the current situation.
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