Today, with all that has been paved over the past two decades with various pressures of sanctions on Iran, the country needs to re-emphasize the path ahead. If we look at what has happened to us, it is full of the imposition of a policy of survival instead of development, due to unjustified, cruel and illusory sanctions that have, in essence, been all part of what is called the securitization of Iran. What happened to us in the sanctions was not our choice, it was an imposition of the kind that happened in September 1970 by Saddam Hussein. Resistance against it was equally painful, honorable, and at the same time inevitable. In the meantime, we Iranians even went several times to remove obstacles from our development path, and finally we succeeded in doing so in the JCPOA. This success, like everything that is in the naked reality of history, had its ups and downs and was diminished by the sabotage of the United States.
But what remains for us on the margins of the main achievement of the JCPOA is, first, self-confidence in diplomacy and reliance on our own people, and second, the need to solve our issues in a multi-axis manner in foreign policy, which of course is not limited to this.
Our foreign policy today, not only on the nuclear issue, but in general, requires a kind of deep wisdom based on experience, expertise, and experience, which, by the way, is not very abundant.
Whether we want and can untie this biggest chain from the hands and feet of the country, or whether this is not possible now, in any case, in all credible and concrete aspects of the country's foreign policy, we need a Foreign Minister who, more than anything else, has the following important elements:
Therefore, considering the point where Iran stands today, for all possible options in foreign policy, firstly, a moderate and efficient choice with the above unique characteristics should be made, and secondly, he should have the most votes in the Islamic Consultative Assembly, which is his most important support at the negotiating table, and thirdly, from the moment he was elected to the position of minister, he should be fully supported by the government and the people. Our Iran is not in a situation where it can experiment with its foreign policy, and today, after more than four decades since the Islamic Revolution, no one in the world can afford not to have a professional and experienced cadre.
Another point about the proposed Minister of Foreign Affairs in the 14th government is that he came from the heart of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and has walked this path step by step more than anyone else. The important meaning of this is the ability to reform the internal affairs of his ministry, which truly needs to be addressed and recreate its traditional capabilities today.
But what the Minister of Foreign Affairs should focus on is choosing deputies, advisors, and managers who, regardless of organizational rank and the imposition of a chart and timeliness for promoting the ministry's employees, will help improve the quality of this aspect of governance. It may be necessary to breathe new life into the Ministry of Foreign Affairs staff by adding people from universities to the top of the pyramid who, while advancing the work, can also revitalize the stagnant structure.
In particular, on the important issue of nuclear diplomacy, the Foreign Minister may need to have an advisor or assistant who can establish daily and transparent communication between the various parties to this issue, including the Atomic Energy Organization, the Vienna Representative Office, and the Secretariat of the Supreme National Security Council, so that many of the issues that arise during negotiations or diplomatic actions are not coordinated and therefore do not waste opportunities.
Another important issue is economic diplomacy, which is inherently a new content in the Iranian Foreign Ministry that has a political basis. Therefore, it may be more realistic for the Deputy Minister of Economic Diplomacy to be selected from the private sector or academia with a background in private sector business who has a proper understanding of real trade issues. Basically, the staff of the Foreign Ministry in any country do not necessarily have a real and up-to-date understanding of international trade conditions due to their employment origin unless they have been trained and educated in this field. Of course, in this context, as well as in the issue of sending effective trade advisors to different countries, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ relationship with the chambers of commerce is essential.
The third organizational priority of the new Foreign Minister is science and technology diplomacy, in his opinion; a matter that, by developing the content and not the organization of the Deputy Minister for Research and the Center for Political and International Studies of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, should not be limited to the official political framework and should focus on matters such as international trade education and facilitating science and technology communications between universities and scientific and technological centers of the country with the world.
All this will come from a person who understands the history of trade, considers the history of politics, technology diplomacy, research and science as a priority, and is familiar with the nuclear issue, and at the present time, Seyyed Abbas Araghchi is the optimal choice to implement such a content-oriented and result-oriented organizational order and advance the country's fundamental priorities. May giving new generations the opportunity in foreign policy and the university environment, while governing the country, provide the ground for the emergence of talents and the employment of young people who will make the country's hand more open in the selection of prominent agents in the future. From the day after the vote of confidence, Seyyed Abbasi Araqchi needs a young and fresh council of deputies.
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