After the change of government and ministers in midsummer, it can be said that attending the annual session of the United Nations General Assembly in New York was the first appearance of the new government and Ministry of Foreign Affairs in international forums: an event that typically indicates the direction and direction of its foreign policy at the beginning of each government. Numerous meetings - however formal - with foreign policy officials of countries convey an initial message of the new government's positions to them, and of course this year's trip was not without this meaning.
In any case, with the coming to power of a conservative government in Tehran, views have a background and prejudice, and this, of course, can create both an opportunity and, more importantly, a threat to the agency in foreign relations. Announcing positions, initial negotiations, and a new arrangement for establishing and advancing the country's foreign relations is the first step in shaping these assumptions and prejudices.
Of course, it can be said that more than anything, it is the system's macro policies that will determine the main product in foreign policy. Policies that are, of course, supranational and do not necessarily change with the change of government. However, if we look at the policymaking of the main parties of the Islamic Republic of Iran in diplomacy at the beginning of each government, we will find that this policymaking is not hasty and abrupt at first. In other words, in none of them, even in 2005 and when Mahmoud Ahmadinejad succeeded Mohammad Khatami, is the policymaking of major countries, especially members of the European Union and the United States, based on hastening pressure and adopting a confrontational approach. Rather, as is expected from foreign policy apparatuses, initially expressing a position is more focused on "the readiness to resolve the issues between them by relying on the strength of the newly elected government in Tehran": now this strength can be exceptional enthusiasm and support in society and mass support, or a more open hand that the new government has with stronger coalitions in the government structure. Both of these are also effective in maintaining and developing national positions and interests, and naturally, the diplomatic apparatus can, whether said or unspoken, strengthen its position in various negotiations, especially the main and major negotiations of the country, by relying on such levers.
But it is clear that in real foreign policy, prestige politics is only part of the game. That is, diplomatic boasting, announcing positions, and even a sometimes strict face and stance, especially after a few weeks, lose their effectiveness and appeal to the general and specific audience, and from then on, it should focus on advancing the country's positions and interests in a more objective manner.
In any case, it is clear that the most important priority is for the country to be able to finalize the issue of sanctions by adopting a comprehensive approach, in other words, the return of the parties to the JCPOA: This finalization may go either way, but it can perhaps be said that the current suspension and tolerating heavy sanctions in a situation where both the moderate Democrats have the capacity to be present in the White House and Congress, and we are in compliance with the JCPOA anyway, is not in our best interest. The only benefit at the present time is that the time specified in this political agreement is passing and Iran is getting closer to lifting its nuclear restrictions day by day. But at the same time, it should be kept in mind that the opposing parties may not be satisfied with the current situation and, after the expiration of the opportunity - even for appearance - that is supposed to be given at the beginning of every government in Tehran, they may again take the situation to the Board of Governors of the International Atomic Energy Agency and later to the United Nations Security Council. This will be a way for Iran to suddenly reduce the benefit of all the costs paid - whether under the JCPOA or as a result of enduring sanctions - to zero. In addition, with Biden's relative legitimacy compared to Trump, especially among the strategic allies of the United States, the formation of an alliance against the Islamic Republic of Iran today becomes more likely, and this means turning an opportunity into a threat. The rare event that occurred during Resolution 2231, namely the withdrawal of Iran's case from Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, will not be easily repeated, and remaining in Chapter VII and being recognized as a "threat to international peace and security" for a long time also has specific costs that cannot be easily decided to accept or be indifferent to.
In order to practice professional politics in the new era, it is necessary, above all, to reconstruct the organization and structure of foreign policy and diplomacy in accordance with the new situation through comprehensive planning. This program should strive to:
Establish the necessary communication tools and channels with the utmost transparency: Indirect and opaque communication leads to problems in diplomacy, which Dr. Reza Nasri recently explained in a note in the Shargh newspaper on 6 Mehr 1400 (October 21, 2011) in five types.
Beyond merely expressing positions, first provide leverage and privileges through internal studies and discussions to exchange in your negotiations,
By making the vision of attraction and the relevant filters more realistic, recruit elite human resources both in the field of foreign policy and international relations and in specialized issues (nuclear, economic, political, security, legal, scientific, etc.). The elite is not necessarily a "first student" but someone who has the ability to raise issues and provide solutions at the national level. The ability to solve problems at the national level is typically a multidisciplinary matter, and for this reason, it may sometimes be necessary to strengthen the body of experts with interdisciplinary and bi- or multi-disciplinary experts.
Therefore, with the capacities of a new government, fewer internal obstacles that the foreign policy apparatus faces in the new period, and a more open hand that it has, as well as by building capacity in a serious and elite body of expertise, foreign policy can be made a solution to most of the problems that the foreign enemy has now burdened the country.
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